Research

I study the physician labor market after Dobbs, which allowed states to enforce abortion bans. I link quarterly obstetrician-gynecologist (OBGYN) locations to political contributions and use synthetic difference-in-differences to compare provider supply and migration between total-ban and abortion-protecting states. I find no aggregate supply decline. However, this stability masks compositional changes: relative per-capita supply falls for female, early-career, top-ranked, and Democratic-donating providers, while male and unranked supply increases. These shifts are more consistent with workforce entry and exit than migration by existing providers. Together, Dobbs polarized the U.S. OBGYN workforce, with implications for reproductive-care access and future supply.

This paper uses data from a new, nationally representative survey to study delays in non–COVID-related medical care among US adults during the COVID-19 pandemic. We expand on prior research by taking a comprehensive look at the many reasons patients may have experienced delays in medical care and by studying the longer-run implications of these delays for patients' self-reported health, use of telemedicine, feelings of regret, and likelihood of delaying care again in the future. Classifying delays in care broadly as involuntary (those due to availability or "supply-side" constraints) or patient-initiated (those due to patient concerns or "demand-side" constraints), we document important differences across demographic groups in the propensity to delay care for these reasons. In contrast to most prior work on this topic, our analyses can disentangle differences in the likelihood of delaying care from differences in pre-pandemic care-seeking behavior. We also demonstrate that the types of medical care that were delayed during the pandemic differed based on whether the delay was involuntary or patient-initiated, as did the duration of the delays and their associations with self-reported health, telemedicine use, and feelings of regret.

We use voting precinct and election data to analyze the political geography of New Hampshire and Maine. We find that the location of the dividing line between Congressional districts in both states are significantly different than what we would expect, which we argue is likely due to incumbent gerrymandering. We also discuss the limitations of classical fairness measures for plans with only two districts.